Category: WW2 Chinese Armor

Republic of China (1929-1939)
Armored Car – 6 Built (4 Model 1929, 2 Model 1930)

The Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars were not the first armored cars used in China, as a number of different types had appeared in the armies of various warlords since the mid-1920s. They were, however, the first armored cars manufactured by a Chinese state arsenal and thus were relatively well-made and well-documented. Despite this, a photo of a Model 1929 Shanghai Arsenal Armored car has always been mislabeled as Japanese ‘Osaka M.2592’ at least since the publication of Fritz Heigl’s Taschenbuch der Tanks in 1935, misleading and confusing many armor enthusiasts around the world. The Shanghai Arsenal Model 1929 armored car is therefore not well known or properly identified and is the subject of much confusion.

Origin of the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars

It would take a library of scholarship to explain the almost unceasing military conflicts between different warlords in China since the foundation of Republic of China in 1912 and the end of the Central Plains War in 1930. Fortunately, the origins of the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars started in 1928.

The main belligerents of the civil war in 1928 were the Northern Warlords (Zhang Zongchang (Chang Tsung-ch’ang), Sun Chuanfang (Sun Ch’uan-fang), and Zhang Zuolin (Chang Tso-lin) and the Nationalists (Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yuxiang (Feng Yu-hsiang), and Yan Xishan (Yen Hsi-shan), etcetera.). By 1928, Chiang Kai-shek had controlled most of southern China, established his capital in Nanjing (Nanking) and was firmly pushing northward along the Tientsin-Pukow Railway. Meanwhile, Feng Yuxiang had eliminated most of the Northern Warlord forces along the Lanchow-Haichow Railway and joined forces with Chiang Kai-shek in the strategic city of Xuzhou (Hsuchow) in eastern China.

However, the Northern Warlords, especially Zhang Zongchang and Sun Chuanfang, were not ready to admit defeat. Sun Chuanfang had lost his base area of Jiangsu Province in which the Nationalists had set up their capital, but still had large numbers of troops loyal to him, and he retreated into Shandong Province and joined forces with Zhang Zongchang. Zhang Zongchang was famous for his ‘White Russian’ mercenaries. These were Tsarist Russian soldiers and officers defeated during the Russian Civil War, who manned several armored trains. Zhang Zuolin also sent his Renault FT tanks to reinforce Sun and Zhang’s troops.

The first reference of an armored car to be made by Shanghai Arsenal appeared under such circumstances in March 1928. General He Yaozu (Ho Yao-tsu) of Chiang Kai-shek’s army was then planning an offensive on Sun Chuanfang’s force stationed in southwest Shandong Province, but his college from Feng Yuxiang’s army warned him that, according to their intelligence, Sun’s troops were supported by 14 tanks. These were most probably the Renault FTs sent by Zhang Zuolin. Although by 1928 the Renault FT was effectively obsolete against contemporary tanks, in the parts of China that were not too mountainous, it could prove to be a potent weapon due to the relatively light weapons of the armies concerned with little anti-tank capability.

On 24th March, He Yaozu telegraphed Chiang Kai-shek about the situation and informed Chiang about a plan agreed to by all Nationalist frontline commanders:

“In order to cope with the enemy tanks, Your Excellency [Chiang] should act quickly and give order to Shanghai Arsenal to armor several automobiles, and mount on each of them either a mountain gun or an infantry gun with flat trajectory.”

It was the earliest document referring to armored cars to be made in Shanghai Arsenal. However, it was not known if this was really the origin of Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars. What was remarkable was the consensus of the Nationalist commanders that the best anti-tank weapon was a gun-armed armored vehicle, which was an idea quite ahead of its time, especially in Asia. Perhaps this was due to the widespread use of and fighting between armored trains by both sides during the civil war.

Eventually, Zhang Zuolin was assassinated by the Japanese in June 1928 and the last remaining forces of the Northern Warlords were eliminated in Luanzhou (Luanchow) by the Nationalists in October that year. For a short period, it seemed that the civil war was coming to an end, and the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Car was born in this relatively peaceful environment.

The Model 1929 Armored Cars for the Guard Regiment of the Nationalist Government

Six armored cars were made in Shanghai Arsenal in the period 1929-1930: 2 for the Shanghai Garrison Headquarters (淞滬警備司令部) and 4 for the Guard Regiment (later Brigade) of the Nationalist Government (國民政府警衛團/旅) stationed in Nanjing. However, the 2 cars for Shanghai Garrison Headquarters and the first 2 cars for the Guard Regiment were both completed in March-April 1929 and were of the same batch and very similar in design, while the other 2 cars for the Guard Brigade were completed in October 1930 and were of a completely different design. There were no official names for these armored cars, and the two types were only discriminated by being called ‘iron armored cars’ (鐵甲車) or ‘steel armored cars’ (鋼甲車). For easy differentiation, in this article they are named Model 1929 and Model 1930 respectively, even if these were not official designations.

The earliest piece of information directly referring to the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars appeared in a Shanghai newspaper, Shi Bao (literally, the Times), on 24th January 1929. It said that Feng Yuxiang had ordered the arsenal to make two armored cars. The arsenal had completed the blueprints which would soon be sent to Nanjing to be inspected by Feng.

The North-China Daily News, an English language newspaper in Shanghai, reported on the progress made in the armored car production in Shanghai Arsenal:

“Three armored motor car bodies, built to the order of the Nanking Military Headquarters, have been completed by the Kiangnan Arsenal [an older name for the Shanghai Arsenal] and will be shipped to the capital [Nanjing] in a couple of days.”

It is noticeable that the report mentioned three armored cars, perhaps one of them was a car built for Shanghai Garrison Headquarters.

However, contrary to the impression made by this report, Shanghai Arsenal not only built the armored bodies but also fitted them onto the chassis. This fact is illustrated by an excellent factory photo of one of the Guard Regiment cars in front of the Machine Shop in Shanghai Arsenal published in Vol.1 of Binggong Zazhi (The Ordnance Magazine) in 1929. The same page also introduced the main specifications of the Model 1929 armored car which translate as the following:

Details of the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Car from Vol.1 of Binggong Zazhi, 1929
Crew	6 (including driver and machine gunner)
Length / Width / Height	5.6 m / 1.1 m / 2.2 m
Weight	3,022 kg
Armament	2 Sanshijie HMGs* & 2 SMGs
Ammunition	10,000 rounds
Note	* This machine gun is a Chinese copy of the Browning M1917, made locally at Shanghai Arsenal.

The most detailed written description of the Model 1929, however, appeared in Minguo Ribao (Republic Daily) and was provided by a journalist who was present at the testing of the cars by Shanghai Garrison Headquarters:

“This type of armored cars are completely covered with steel plates, and larger than normal automobiles. The two cars are identical in both appearance and interior.… The front and rear of the car are mounted with machine guns, which can rotate up and down and left and right. Eight small iron doors are mounted on two sides, which were prepared for submachine guns. There are four electric lights on the car roof, with an additional one high on the top (of the turret) which can rotate and illuminate 4-5 li [2 – 2.5 km]. The armored car can hold up to 9 persons and an ammunition box, with a total weight of 20 tons.”

The weight of “20 tons” was clearly exaggerated, and the crew number of 9 was also inconsistent with official figures. The other descriptions, however, were very accurate and consistent with all photos of Model 1929. The large number of lights mounted on the top of the cars is noticeable, which may indicate that the main objective of these cars was changed from fighting enemy tanks to patrolling, which was more realistic considering the lack of experience and industrial capability in China to produce armored vehicles with real fighting value. The cylindrical turret was most probably fixed, but with a large opening for a machine gun providing a considerable arc of fire. The other machine gun was fitted in the rear of the car on a probably identical mounting. These were supported by 3 or 4 firing holes on each side of the car which could be closed from within.

Unfortunately, absolutely no information exists regarding the type of trucks that the Model 1929 armored cars were based on. Only one report mentioned that the Model 1929 was based on the chassis of a certain ‘American truck’, which provided virtually no useful clue as numerous types of American trucks were in use in China by the late 1920s. However, as the later Model 1930 was documented as based on Stewart truck chassis, it was not impossible that the Model 1929 was also based on Stewart chassis. However, more information is needed before any conclusion could be drawn.

It is not known when the Guard Regiment received their armored cars, but it was certainly before 15th March 1929, as one report mentioned the cars were used to escort high ranking Nationalist officials during the Third National Congress of the Kuomintang. This event took place on that day so the vehicles must have been in their possession before this date. After this event, the cars were put on routine road patrols in Nanjing until at least September that year. It is interesting to note that the Chinese Carden-Loyd Mk.IV tankettes were also put to such service in 1931, but they broke down very easily and were scorned by Nanjing’s citizens. There seemed to be no such problems with the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars.

However, the most important event in the service life of the Guard Regiment armored cars was certainly the Funeral of Sun Yat-sen, the founding father of Republic of China, on 1st June 1929. After Sun’s body arrived by train to Pukou (Pukow) and carried by warship to Nanjing, the two armored cars escorted his body all the way from the pier to his final resting place in the famous Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum. This event produced some valuable photos for these cars, including the only photo available of the rear of the car. It shows that, instead of a pair of doors appearing on some ‘Osaka Type 92’ models and line drawings, the rear of the car was actually pointed with an opening for another machine gun, seemingly identical to the opening on the fixed turret. It also shows there was a semi-cylindrical extension to the rear of the fixed turret, the function of which is currently unknown.

The Model 1929 Armored Cars for Shanghai Garrison Headquarters

Probably when the two armored cars for the Guard Regiment in Nanjing were being built, Shanghai Arsenal received orders to construct two more cars for the Shanghai Garrison Headquarters under the Fifth Division. Unlike the two previous cars, the completion and testing of the two armored cars for Shanghai Garrison Headquarters were very well documented thanks to Shanghai’s numerous newspapers. The two armored cars were ready by 11th April 1929, and both were accepted by the Fifth Division responsible for the defense of Shanghai. On 18th April, the two cars were sent to Longhua (Lunghwa) Airfield to test their weapons.

However, there is not much information available on the active service of the two armored cars of Shanghai Garrison Headquarters. The first recorded action of these armored cars was to quell student unrest on the 14th anniversary of the ‘9th May National Shame’, which was when the Chinese government bowed to part of Japan’s ‘Twenty-One Demands’ in 1915. A second action was to monitor the anti-Soviet protest on 25th July, which was due to the disagreements between China and the USSR over the Chinese Eastern Railway that eventually led to a military clash on the Sino-Soviet border in August. In both cases, the armored cars were not involved in real fights. The lack of information perhaps indicates a much lower rate of activities of the two cars in Shanghai.

It is also important to note that differences existed between the two Shanghai cars and the two Nanjing cars. The two Shanghai cars both had higher front fenders with their front tips approximately located at half the height of the car’s openable armored plate protecting the radiator. However, the two Nanjing cars had front fenders with front tips lower than the lower brim of the armored plate protecting the radiator. There were also differences between the two Shanghai cars. One of them had headlights mounted on the bumper, while the other had them mounted on both sides of the front.

These features enable the identification of the Model 1929 car captured by the Japanese in the late 1930s as one of the two Shanghai cars . From a Japanese photo, it can also be observed that the Shanghai Garrison Headquarters armored cars had a door with a firing hole on the left side (the driver was on the right side), which probably indicates that the Shanghai cars had doors on both sides of the vehicle. However, from photos of the Nanjing cars, the only entrance was a door on the driver’s side and no firing hole was provided on this door.

The Model 1930 Armored Cars

The defeat of the Northern Warlords did not lead to the end of civil war in China, as the victorious Nationalists had disintegrated into many new warlords themselves, quite aptly named ‘new Nationalist warlords’ in some later Chinese historiography. Chiang’s former close allies, the new warlords of Guangxi (Kwanghsi) revolted first in March 1929, followed by Feng Yuxiang – once closely connected to the design of the Model 1929 armored cars – in August, and Tang Shengzhi (Tang Sheng-chih) in December. The ani-Chiang revolts culminated in the Central Plains War that started in March 1930 when Feng Yuxiang collaborated with Yan Xishan (Yen Hsi-shan), another powerful warlord in northwest China, to fight against Chiang Kai-shek.

Two new armored cars were ordered by the Guard Brigade of the Nationalist Government (developed from the original Guard Regiment) in the same month. In an application to Chiang, the head of the Guard Brigade explained the objectives of the new armored cars:

“My brigade has two armored cars. However, due to somewhat defective designs and their long time of active services, they now break down easily and cannot respond to emergencies. In addition, the vicinity of Nanjing covers a large area which is not easily patrolled by only two armored cars. Reactionary factions still remain in our country, and conspiracy of rebellion are so often pursued; My brigade is charged with the defense of the capital which is a heavy responsibility. As a precaution, I apply to Your Excellency to order two new armored cars for my brigade, to cover the urgent need for the defense of Nanjing.”

This application was duly accepted, and two new armored cars were ordered from Shanghai Arsenal. However, instead of continuing to produce the Model 1929, a completely new model was designed. According to reports in Shi Bao on 1st October 1930 and in a magazine named Xing Hua (Literally China Arise), the armored cars were built on the chassis of American Stewart trucks and weighed 5 tonnes. The armor thickness was around 16 mm, and the car was painted with camouflage. Similar to the Model 1929 armored cars, the new armored car was armed with two machine guns, mounted in the turret and in the rear of the car, but this time the turret could rotate 360º. In addition, six submachine guns were stored inside the car. The two headlights were provided with armored shutters. These descriptions fit well with available photos.

While the type of the chassis of the Model 1929 armored cars was undocumented, the chassis of the Model 1930 armored cars were clearly documented as Stewart, not only by the aforementioned reports, but also by an advertisement made by Kunst & Albers Co., the Shanghai agent for the Stewart Motor Corporation in Shanghai. The advertisement for Stewart trucks was made just one day after Shi Bao reported on the Model 1930 armored car, and argued that “since they could be converted to armored cars, their sturdiness and durability could be known”.

Stewart Motor Corporation was founded by Thomas R. Lippard and Raymond G. Stewart in Buffalo, New York in 1912 and ended all production in 1941. From the photos of the Model 1930 armored cars, they used six-spoked steel wheels with solid rubber tires. The wheels and the weight of the armored cars all pointed to the chassis from either a 3-ton or a 4-ton Stewart truck of the late 1920s, both employing Dayton steel wheels.

The overall design of the new armored car departed considerably from the earlier Model 1929. The conventional box-shaped body was replaced by inclined or curved armor plates in the front, rear and in the side of the frustoconical-shaped turret, which was certainly designed to deflect bullets. With better shape, rotating turret, and camouflage, it was obvious that the car was built in a much more warlike manner than its predecessor. However, when the two armored cars were completed in October 1930, the Central Plains War was already drawing to a close with Chiang Kai-shek emerging victorious. They were most probably never used in the war.

The Second Regiment of Transport Troops

In May 1932, following the input of German advisers, Chiang Kai-shek reorganized most of the available armored vehicles into the Second Regiment of Transport Troops (交通兵第二團). This included 16 Carden-Loyd Mk.IV tankettes and all 4 Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars serving with the Guard Brigade of the Nationalist Government. There were many changes in the painting schemes of these armored cars when they were incorporated into the Second Regiment of Transport Troops. A large Nationalist white sun (sunburst) insignia was painted on the sides of both Model 1929 and Model 1930 armored cars, and two-digit Arabic numbers were painted on their front plates. From the only available photo, it is not known if the two Model 1930s retained their camouflage, but it was likely that they were all overpainted with monochrome painting scheme.

In 1933, due to the activities of Chinese Communists in Jiangxi (Kianghsi) Province and the Japanese invasion of northern China, orders to send the armored cars to Nanchang (capital of Jiangxi Province) and Beiping (the name of Beijing in 1927-1949) were both received by the Second Regiment. The commander of the regiment sent a telegraph to Chiang Kai-shek, describing the situation of the four armored cars and asked for a clarification:

“Four armored cars are in service with the Second Regiment of the Transport Troops. The two with steel armor (sic) weighed around 4 tons and are easily driven, the other two with iron armor (sic) weighed around 8 ton and are more difficult in driving. The two steel armored cars have been ordered to be sent to Jiangxi, but a telegraph from the Ministry of Defense is received which ordered all armored cars to be sent to Beiping. However, only the two steel armored cars could be dispatched immediately, the two iron armored one still require refurbishing. Could you please reply to explain whether the cars shall be dispatched to Nanchang or Beiping? ”

The names ‘steel armored cars’ and ‘iron armored cars’ almost certainly denoted Model 1929 and Model 1930, the lighter ‘steel armored cars’ were presumably Model 1929. In reply to this telegraph, Chiang Kai-shek first wrote “Nanchang” and then crossed it over and wrote “Beiping”, showing that he was not sure whether the Communists or the Japanese posed a bigger threat. A report dated 27th April showed that the two ‘steel armored cars’ were already serving in Beiping, and the two ‘iron armored cars’ would be sent to Nanchang as soon as they were repaired.

There seems to be no records of the active service of the two (presumably Model 1929) armored cars in Beiping. In Jiangxi Province, however, apart from the two Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars, the Nationalists also deployed several improvised ‘armored personnel carriers’ which were converted trucks that only had armored plates around their truck beds and used to carry troops. The Nationalist Government planned to evacuate the Shanghai Arsenal after the 1932 Shanghai Incident, but it was never properly carried out and the arsenal fell into a state of disintegration, with only a few machineries moved inland and incorporated into other state arsenals. As a result, no state arsenal in China could produce armored cars. The improvised ‘armored personnel carriers’ were all converted by private workshops in Shanghai and were significantly cruder than the Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars. There are several accounts of armored cars being used in patrolling and escorting behind the front line and sometimes clashed with Communist guerrillas, but it is uncertain which type of armored cars they described.

All of the 4 armored cars of the Second Regiment of Transport Troops disappeared in records after these activities, and their fates are unknown. However, one of the two cars of Shanghai Garrison Headquarters surprisingly turned up in Japan in 1939.

The Model 1929 Armored Car in Japan, 1939

In 1939, a Shanghai Arsenal Model 1929 armored car appeared in the ‘Great Exposition of Tanks’ (戦車大博覽會) held in Yasukuni Shrine, Tokyo and was correctly labeled as ‘Chinese-Built Armored Car’. Japanese military historian Kazunori Yoshikawa also has in his collection a photo showing the same armored car in a depot alongside a damaged Japanese Type 94 tankette. However, the time and date of this photo is not known.

The higher front fenders and the position of front lights indicate that this was one of the two cars originally ordered by Shanghai Garrison Headquarters. However, the roundel on the radiator cover was comprised by four Chinese characters ‘軍會特團’ which was most probably the abbreviation of the Special Duty Regiment of the Nationalist Government Military Committee (國民政府軍事委員會特務團), a unit mainly for training officers and NCOs. Indeed, the Special Duty Regiment is documented as having an armored car platoon consisting of 2 armored cars, 5 motorcycles, and 4 trucks. So, it is probable that the two Model 1929 armored cars were both sent to the Special Duty Regiment sometime in the 1930s, but the detailed circumstance of this transfer is unknown. This particular armored car was most probably captured by the Japanese Army in Shanghai or Nanjing in 1937, perhaps without even seeing action.

Conclusion

The design of both of the two models of Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars were not very remarkable for their time. Only a few were produced, and little documentation exists on their active services except for policing and ceremonial duties in Nanjing and Shanghai. This was unimpressive even when compared with some other home-built armored cars in 1930s China, especially the armored cars of Warlord Yan Xishan and his General Fu Zuoyi (Fu Tso-i). Yan’s and Fu’s cars were very active in military actions against the Japanese troops in 1936-1937, and achieved a certain level of success during the Suiyuan Campaign of 1936.

However, the significant improvement of the Model 1930 over Model 1929 should still be noticed, which illustrated the ambition of Shanghai Arsenal technicians of designing and building effective armored vehicles. It was a pity that their endeavor ended with the disintegration of the Arsenal after the 1932 Shanghai Incident. In addition, it is meaningful to uncover the real identity of the ‘Osaka Type 92 armored car’ which has confused AFV enthusiasts around the world for decades.

Specifications (Model 1929)
Dimensions (L-W-H)	5.6 m x 1.1 m x 2.2 m (18 ft 4 in x 3 ft 7 in x 7 ft 3 in)
Total weight	3,022 kg
Primary armament	2 x 7.92 mm Sanshijie machine gun (Chinese copy of Browning M1917)
Ammunition capacity	10,000
Crew	6 (driver and machine gunners)

Specifications (Model 1930)
Total weight	5 tons
Primary armament	2 x 7.92 mm Sanshijie machine gun (Chinese copy of Browning M1917)
Armor	16 mm (0.63 in)

Sources

Personal correspondence with Akira Takizawa, Bo Zhong, and Zhang Zhiwei (Chang Chi-wei)
Chiang Kai-shek archives, available in Academia Historica (國史館) online database
Anon., ‘滬兵工廠試造鐵甲車並擬設一煉鋼廠’, 時報, 24th January 1929
Anon., ‘From day to day’, The North-China Daily News, 22th February 1929
Anon., ‘軍用鋼甲車造成’, 民國日報, 27th March 1929
Anon., ‘淞滬警備部昨又領到鐵甲炮車一輛’, 新聞報, 11th April 1929
Anon., ‘五師鋼甲車試放機關槍’, 民國日報, 18th April 1929
Anon., ‘兵警團出防 各要路搜查 鐵甲車梭巡’, 時報, 10th May 1929
Anon., ‘警衛團將以鋼甲車巡街市’, 中央日報, 19th May 1929
張友德, ‘上海全市市民反俄大會盛況’, 時報新光 Eastern Times, 30th July 1929
Anon., ‘國府警衛團鋼甲車將出巡’, 中央日報, 5th September 1929
中國日日新聞總社, ‘兵工廠承造鋼甲車兩部已運京轉往前方備用’, 新聞報, 1st October 1930
Anon., ‘上海近事：兵工廠督造鐵甲車’ (Recent news in Shanghai: The Arsenal making armored cars), 興華 (China Arise), Vol.27, No.36, 1930, p.47
Anon., 裝甲汽車 (Armored Car), 兵工雜誌 (Ordnance Journal), Vol.1, No.1, 1929, p.1
Anon., Order of the Nationalist Government, No.150, Dated 15th May 1930, 國民政府公報 訓令 (Gazetteer of the Nationalist Government: Orders), No.420, 1930, p.2
下原口修, 昭和14年1月 戦車大博覽會の全貌 (The whole picture of the Great Exposition of Tanks in January of the 14th year of Showa), J-Tank, No.18，2013, pp.3-11
陈一川，从荣耀到末路：上海兵工厂自制装甲汽车的曲折命运 (From glory to bitter end: the tortuous fate of Shanghai Arsenal Armored Cars), 澎湃新闻 (The Paper), 15th Oct 2020, available at https://www.thepaper.cn/newsDetail_forward_9291213
https://mycompanies.fandom.com/wiki/Stewart_Motor_Corporation

Republic of China (1947-1949?) – 7? Donated
 Communist China (~1949) – At Least 1 Captured
Medium Tank

From USMC to KMT to PLA

The only known photograph of a Chinese M4A2 (Sherman) shows one in PLA (People’s Liberation Army) service on a victory parade in 1949, apparently with a non-standard main gun. The history of this specific tank, with the  serial number “012403”, is not fully known. However, the only other confirmed user of the M4A2 in China was the United States Marine Corps’ 1st Tank Battalion, who were repatriating the Japanese after WWII, thus giving some clues as to the origin of “012403”. However, as this article will show, more questions are raised than answered about the history of the M4A2 in China.

Context: The Chinese Civil War

The Chinese Civil War was a struggle between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Chinese Nationalists (the Kuomintang / KMT / Guomindang / GMD) which began as early as 1927. Typically, however, the Chinese Civil War refers to the period of 1945-1949, which led to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and the Republic of China in Formosa (Taiwan).
For an excellent introduction to the Chinese Civil War, see “Decisive Encounters: The Chinese Civil War, 1946-1950” by Odd Arne Westad.

USMC M4A2s in China, 1945-1947

Prior to the discovery of the photo of “012403”, the only M4A2s in China were thought to belong to the USMC’s 1st Tank Brigade, who were part of a repatriation programme to return Japanese nationals home.

Context: Japanese Repatriations from China

At the end of WWII, an estimated 1.5-1.6 million Japanese were left in China, with 1.1 million being in Manchuria (formerly Manchukuo), and just over 500,000 in other areas (overwhelmingly these were in Formosa, nowadays Taiwan, with 479,000, but Hong Kong and other areas also hosted thousands).
In the years 1945-1948, a mass repatriation effort was initiated by the United States under Kuomintang auspices to repatriate those nationals back to Japan. This was chiefly because it was in the US’s interests to have a strong central government in China – regional instability would be intolerable as it may lead to further war – but also it was necessary for that government to be headed by the KMT because of the threat of communist expansion in the region, especially considering the Soviet invasion of Manchuria (9-20 August 1945) and its subsequent occupation. The existence of so many Japanese nationals with an effective refugee status presented questions of law and order, and therefore the KMT regime’s stability. Similarly, these nationals presented an implicit threat to the KMT because many of them had extensive military, economic, and technical expertises, and could be used as pawns in the civil war by the Communists. This fear was not unfounded, as on at least one occasion the Communists were able to force Japanese technicians to repair tanks to equip the first ever armored division of the PLA. (See Gongchen Tank for more).
The resumption of the Chinese Civil War in 1946 meant that the potential for trouble between the Japanese, CCP (Chinese Communist Party), and the Kuomintang was high. Even without the outbreak of war, such a large number of people would need policing by the military to maintain order. Therefore, repatriations in northern China were highly militarised and done with the supervision of US Marines.

The 1st Tank Battalion in China

Included in the USMC’s efforts in northern China were the 1st and 6th Tank Battalions. The former was equipped with M4A2 Shermans and the latter with M4A3s. Towards the end of WWII, the M4A2 was being phased out of US service because of its diesel engine. Put simply, diesel engines complicated logistics because most other US vehicles were petrol-fuelled, meaning that two types of fuel would have to be supplied if the M4A2 was kept in service. Therefore, it was logical to phase the tank out as soon as possible.
The 1st TB was left with only seven M4A2s after the Battle of Okinawa (April-June 1945), along with some M4A2 wrecks, but was not immediately re-equipped with new tanks. This is because the Battalion was not expected to participate in fighting immediately after the Battle of Okinawa. Instead of being earmarked for participation in the next major part of the war against Japan, Operation Olympic (an invasion of Kyushu scheduled for November 1945), the 1st TB was instead going to participate in the later Operation Coronet, a landing at the Kanto Plain near Tokyo which was scheduled for some-time in 1946. As a result, sending the 1st TB new equipment was not a priority and no immediate plans were drawn up for the re-equipment of the 1st TB. However, these Operations were scrapped due to the surrender of Japan in September 1945, and the 1st TB was scheduled for deployment to China as part of aforementioned repatriation operations in October.
For this, the 1st TB was originally going to be reequipped with new M4A3 (105)s, which were stored among new and old equipment in the 5th Depot in Guam. However, when these tanks were requested by the 1st TB, the Lieutenant-Colonel in charge of the depot claimed he did not have them in his inventory. After protests by the 1st TB, the Lieutenant-Commander of the depot was reprimanded by Lieutenant-General Keller E. Rockey, and the base was searched. Sixty M4A3 (105)s were found, but too late to be prepared for deployment to China due to the debacle. As a result, the 1st TB’s M4A2s were sent from Okinawa to China instead.
The 1st TB had its headquarters in Tianjin (Tienstin) from October 1945 until May 1947. They made regular convoys of trucks between Tianjin and the 5th Marines’ garrison in Beiping (nowadays Beijing), a journey of roughly fifty miles. These convoys were mail and supply runs, typically carrying drivers only.
Robert M. Neiman, the commanding officer of the 1st TB, records in his memoirs that one of these convoys was stopped by a fallen tree in the road (the date is not given, but presumably this is before he went back to the US, working in insurance and lumber industries some-time in 1946). When the drivers tried to remove the tree, they came under fire from unknown assailants (possibly bandits or even Communist guerrillas) forcing them to return to Tianjin. As a result, a platoon of M4A2s (reported as ‘almost half of the available tanks’ by Neiman) was attached to the convoy including one with a dozer-blade. When the tanks arrived at the scene, the tree was still in place, and the dozer tank went to move it. The convoy then came under small arms fire again (believed to be just from mere rifles), but the assailants were sent running by the 75mm guns of the tanks. Several tanks were left there to camp the night, surrounded by some concertina wire with noisemakers attached to them. That same night, the noisemakers were set off and the M4A2s lit up their headlights and fired their machine guns, killing ‘a couple of intruders’. From then on, convoys were escorted by tanks, but these tanks were worn-out. Therefore, they were sent out in sections to this camp from Tianjin or Beiping, so that no tank had to cover the full distance in a single run.

Changing Ownership

The 1st TB was eventually relieved from China and sent to Guam in January 1947, except for Company B. Company B remained in China presumably until May 1947, when the entire Battalion was sent back to the US mainland (except Company A, which presumably stayed in Guam). The KMT was handed control over the 1st TB’s camp, likely in January 1947, and was later given the M4A2s when the new M4A3 (105)s arrived for the 1st TB as replacements (presumably these were for Company B and arrived in January 1947) – consider also that the USMC wanted to phase the tank out anyway. It is unknown, however, whether the KMT ever fielded these M4A2s.
Regardless, at least one M4A2 was captured by the PLA, but exactly when, where, how, and if any others were captured remains unclear.

Number of M4A2s

With the 1st TB: In 1944, the average USMC Tank Battalion would have had 46 tanks, but it is unlikely that by 1947 the 1st TB fielded this many. Tanks, especially larger vehicles such as Shermans, are known to have been particularly strained by the Chinese climate, meaning that many would have needed serious repairs. (For an example of the Chinese climate’s effects on tanks, see the Panzer I in KMT service). Seven tanks were serviceable after the Battle of Okinawa, which may give a very rough indication on numbers. Neiman’s memoirs seem to indicate there to have been no less than a dozen tanks.
With the KMT: When the tanks were given to the KMT, they almost certainly did not come with spare parts and maintenance equipment. This means that of the tanks left by the 1st TB, only some of them are likely to have been serviceable, and for how long these tanks could be kept running is unclear. Nota bene – There is no evidence that the KMT even used these tanks at all.
With the PLA: Rather like the PLA’s T-26 M1937, it is very possible that there was only one M4A2 which made it into the PLA. Other M4A2s that were left for the KMT may have been destroyed in combat, too badly damaged, or in need of far too many repairs to be pressed back into service.

Where, when, and how

Neiman remarks that the Chinese Communists eventually captured the 1st TB’s camp after it was given to the KMT, which he believes explains the M4A2 in the Beijing Tank Museum (see below). However, this may not necessarily account for every M4A2’s loss, seeing as though there must have been more than one.
The PLA did not come to control Beiping and Tianjin until January 1949 (as part of the Pingjin Campaign, November 1948 – January 1949), meaning that if the KMT fielded these tanks (indeed, a large ‘if’), then the M4A2s could have been captured at any point between May 1947 (when the 1st TB withdrew) and October 1949 (when the Chinese Civil War ‘ended’), and at any possible front.
However, with regards to the only known M4A2 in PLA service, “012403”, it is most likely that the tank was captured directly from the 1st TB’s former base(s), like Neiman suggests for the one in the Beijing Tank Museum, which is likely to be the very same tank (see below).

M4A2 ‘012403’ of the PLA

One sole photo shows M4A2 “012403” of the PLA’s East China Field Army in Xuzhou, Jiangsu Province, circa October 1st, 1949. The tank is on a local parade for the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China (the main parade took place in Beijing), and the vehicle’s markings reflect this. All PLA tanks around this time appear to have been marked with the large ‘8-1 star’ (typically on the turret), and the six-digit serial number stencilled on the vehicle in white (typically on the hull). It is unclear if the tank was repainted to the common ‘PLA tank green’, but quite probable given the other decorations.
Some of the vehicle’s technical features (such as the radio mount) are hard to see, not only because of the low resolution of the image, but also because the men on the tank obscure them. Nevertheless, the tank also appears to have some type of box attached to the rear of the engine deck – likely a locally-built stowage box set, perhaps for fuel cans. This remains a mystery, however.

012403’s Main Gun

Whilst ‘012403’ clearly has a heavy machine gun mounted on the turret rear (almost certainly an M2 .50cal), it does not appear to have the standard main gun. There is something in its place which resembles a gun of a much smaller caliber.
Exactly what this new gun is has attracted some debate, with suggestions including: 1. A second M2 .50cal machine gun in a non-standard mount. 2. A 20mm gun of some sort. 3. A Ha-Go’s 37mm gun. 4. A dummy gun for parade purposes. Again, the quality of the image makes it very difficult to suggest any of these with any degree of certainty.
Close analysis of the photo suggests that the original M34A1 mantlet is in place, thus the most likely conclusion is that the gun is simply a dummy gun for the parade. Having established that the gun is a dummy, with part of the original mantlet in place, this means that the M4A2 Sherman in the Beijing Tank Museum is almost certainly ‘012403’ (see below).
It is unclear why the main gun might have been modified. It is possible that the gun was damaged during a battle, whether in service with the USMC, KMT, or PLA. However, more likely is that ‘012403’ may have had its original main gun removed by the KMT and taken as a spare part, or destroyed by the KMT to prevent the PLA from capturing and reusing the vehicle. ‘012403’ may never have actually been operational with the KMT at all, because when the USMC left it behind, it could have been wrecked beyond their repair capabilities but needed scuttling all the same. This may also explain the lack of evidence for the KMT use of the M4A2s. PLA engineers, nonetheless, may have decided and been able to repair at least one M4A2 and replace the missing main gun with something – as mentioned, most likely a dummy gun.

Standard M4A2 Specifications
Dimensions (L-w-H)	5.84 x 2.62 x 2.74 m 19’2” x 8’7” x 9′
Total weight, battle ready	30.3 tons (66,800 lbs)
Crew	5 (Commander, Driver, Assistent Driver/Bow Gunner, Loader, Gunner)
Propulsion	General Motors 6046 twin inline diesel engine; 375 hp (280 kW)
Transmission	Spicer manual synchromesh transmission, 5 forward and 1 reverse gears
Maximum speed	22–30 mph (35–48 km/h)
Suspension	Vertical Volute Spring (VVSS)
Armament (Standard)	Main: 75mm Tank Gun M3 Sec: 1x Browning M2HB 50. cal (12.7mm), 2 x cal.30 (7.62 mm) Browning M1919A4
Number in Service	Unknown

Artist’s rendition of the M4A2 ‘012403’ of the PLA’s East China Field Army in Xuzhou, Jiangsu Province, circa October 1st, 1949.

The only known photo of the Chinese use of an M4A2 Sherman. This one is in PLA service in Xuzhou, Jiangsu Province, circa October 1st 1949. Source: xdza.gov.cn

M4A2 in the Beijing Tank Museum

There is an M4A2 on display in the Beijing Tank Museum, which is missing its main gun. This tank used to have a barrel of an M4A2(76) fixed in place (probably captured during the Korean War 1950-1953, seeing as though China would not have come into contact with such a gun elsewhere), but this has since been removed by the museum. It is also painted in US livery, but the markings do not match ‘102632’ of the 1st TB in Tianjin. The tank was also fitted with a T6 flotation device, as evidenced by weldpoints across the tank (see photos). The sum of these details indicate that the tank has been inaccurately restored.
Regardless, it is certain that this is one of the M4A2s left behind by the 1st TB. Again, Neiman remarks that the Chinese Communists eventually captured the 1st TB’s camp after it was handed over to the KMT, which explains where this M4A2 came from. No M4A2s are known to have been fielded in Korea by the US, thus ruling out the idea that it was captured there like other vehicles in the museum such as the M26 Pershing, M4A3E8, M24 Chaffee, M36 Jackson, M19 GMC, among others. The tank being sourced otherwise, such as through the Lend-Lease programme, is impossible (see below).
If the US colors were original, it would affirmatively indicate that the KMT never used the tank, and that it could have been beyond their repair capabilities and scuttled. When the Beijing museum restores tanks, it is known to usually keep the tanks in the colors of their last user, even if the exact scheme is slightly wrong (for example, some PLA Type 58s were painted in anachronistic three-tone camouflage). Therefore, it could then be argued that this tank was never used by the KMT because it retained its US colors. The upshot of this hypothesis is that the original main gun may have therefore been taken by the KMT as a spare for serviceable vehicles, or even destroyed as part of a scuttling effort. As mentioned, this could well be the case for ‘012403’, too. However, this hypothesis rests on the flimsy assumption that the museum restored it accurately – to be clear it seems odd that the tank would have been repainted into US colours, in contrast to other vehicles in the museum, such as the Chi-Ha tanks, M3A3 and M5A1 Stuarts, which retained their PLA colors – but this M4A2 seems to be an exception, especially considering that the paint scheme does not match ‘102632’. 
As a result, the more likely theory is that the tank is ‘012403’ itself because of the distinctive missing main gun. The upshot of this is that ‘012403’ therefore definitely had a dummy gun placed into the remainder of the original barrel for the parade as opposed to being fitted with a new main gun. Further conclusions are difficult to make with such scant evidence. It also remains unclear why this tank, and not others, was repainted into US colors, when other tanks retained their PLA colors.

M4A2 on display in the Beijing tank museum. Source: flamesofwar.com

Different view of the above, with evidence of a T6 flotation device having been fitted, as highlighted in red. Source:  the.shadock.fr

Different view of the above, at an earlier point in time. The vehicle also has evidence of a T6 flotation device on the rear right-side Source: the.shadock.fr

The same M4A2 as above, but with the 76mm barrel added. It is believed that this was part of an inaccurate restoration using a gun captured in the Korean War. Source: “The Tank Division of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army 1945-1949” by Zhang Zhiwei.

M4A2 ‘102632’ of the USMC’s 1st TB in Tianjin, date unknown. Note that the markings do not match the M4A2 in the Beijing Tank Museum. Source: com-central.net

M3A3 Stuart in the Beijing Tank Museum, which retained its PLA colors. Source: Beijingman.blogspot

Lend-Lease Programme?

M4A2s cannot originally have come to China via Burma as part of the Lend-Lease programme to the Kuomintang, because no M4A2s were included in this. Moreover, the M4A4 Shermans left operational in Burma were taken back by the US as part of an attempt to avoid escalation of hostilities in China leading up to the resumption of the Civil War in 1946.
On the other hand, 4,100 M4A2 Shermans were sent to the USSR, but it is unlikely that this is where the PLA got any M4A2 from, as the USSR did not deal arms to the Chinese Communists until 1950 due to Soviet policy on the Chinese Civil War. The USSR is, however, reported to have given the PLA weapons captured during the Soviet occupation of Manchuria including small arms and even Japanese tanks.

Conclusions

The KMT was given an unknown number of M4A2 Shermans from the USMC’s 1st TB circa 1947. These tanks were worn out and perhaps beyond KMT’s repair capabilities, meaning that the KMT might have never even used them. A single M4A2 is known to have been in PLA service – ‘012403’, which was probably captured near Tianjin. This tank has dummy gun stuck in the remains of the original barrel most likely for parade purposes. This M4A2 eventually found its way to the Beijing Tank Museum, probably following Soviet arms sales to the PLA in the 1950s, at which point much materiel captured during the Civil War, including Japanese tanks, were phased out. The tank was inaccurately restored with US colors for an unknown reason whilst at the museum. As such tentative conclusions suggest, further sources on the Chinese use of M4A2s are wanting.

Links, Resources & Further Reading

“The Tank Division of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army 1945-1949” by Zhang Zhiwei
“MacArthur in Japan: The Occupation: Military Phase: Volume I Supplement (Reports of General MacArthur)” by Douglas MacArthur
“Decisive Encounters: The Chinese Civil War, 1946-1950” by Odd Arne Westad
“Tanks on the Beaches: A Marine Tanker in the Pacific War” by Robert M. Neiman
xdza.gov.cn
The author extends his thanks to Adam Pawley, Leigh Cole, and Stephen Wisker for their help on sources on the USMC’s 1st Tank Battalion, and Saúl García for comments on the technical features of M4A2s.

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Republic of China (1937)
Light Tank – 15 Imported

Chinese Panzers!

Facing a number of external threats in the 1930’s, the Chinese began to procure weapons from abroad in order to modernize their army. One of the many vehicles that Chiang Kai-shek’s government obtained was the Panzer I Ausf.A from Germany. Fifteen arrived in June 1937, with barely enough time to train the Chinese crews for them to take part in the defense against the Japanese that began a month later. Outnumbered, outgunned, and out-performed, the Chinese Panzer I’s served at the Battle of Nanjing (Nanking) in December 1937, but were either destroyed or abandoned during the short battle.

Context: Arming the Chinese

The Chinese had an army that was inferior to foreign counterparts such as Japan, the UK, USSR, and USA for almost a century – it had needed modernization since the First Opium War (1839-1842). Following various attempts since then, in the 1930s, the Nationalists began a major military modernization campaign as they were beginning to see that a war with Japan was almost inevitable. One particular problem that China faced was its lack of AFV’s.
Provincial governments had some improvised AFV’s (some also had a handful imported from abroad), but the Nationalist’s National Revolutionary Army only had some Renault FT’s bought from France during the Northern Expedition, and some captured from the independent warlord Zhang Zuolin or, perhaps, inherited from his son, Zhang Xueliang, who secretly swore allegiance to the KMT after Zuolin’s assassination in 1928. The exact circumstances are unclear.
Some of these FT’s were armed with Manchurian 37 mm (1.46 in) guns which might have been able to destroy Japanese light tanks, but not the Type 89 Yi-Go medium tank, as used in the Battle of Shanghai. Essentially, these FT’s were outdated compared to Japanese tanks, and they were certainly not numerous enough (let alone potent enough) to defend against a possible Japanese onslaught.
As part of a broader military modernization campaign, the KMT hired German military advisors headed by General Hans von Seekt. These advisors convinced Chiang Kai-shek to buy as many arms as possible from Europe – no doubt, a money-making scheme by the German advisors, as China bought plenty of German-produced equipment including Panzer I’s, Sd.Kfz.221s and 222s, field guns and artillery pieces, and even large numbers of the Stalhelm helmet.

Characteristics

Fifteen Panzer I Ausf.A’s were sold to the Kuomintang in mid or late 1936, but they only arrived in June 1937 because the Chinese ordnance department was so poorly organized. The Chinese paid 1.03 million Reichsmarks for the tanks (about US$25 million in today’s money), but they were shipped poorly and were not protected from the elements.
The damage was reported by a Krupp representative, Herr Habermas, from Nanjing, 26th November, 1937:

• Water, 2-4cm deep, had collected in the hull of the tanks.
• Lots of parts had rusted, including the gun mounts, the telescopic gun sights, and steering brakes.
• The electrical components were heavily damaged by the warm and humid air.
• The cooling fans for the brakes were non-operational without serious cleaning.
• The batteries for the electrical components were ruined due to heavy oxidization. A representative from Bosch in Shanghai stated that the contact material on the magnetos and voltage regulators was not suitable for tropical environments.
• Some tool boxes, cloth components, and operation manuals were also partially ruined.

Japanese photo of Panzer I #312 showing the engine. Even from such a poor quality image, the state of disrepair of the tanks is obvious.
As a result, the KMT accused the Germans of selling used models, which is not what they agreed, but there was little time to dispute this, as war with Japan broke out only a month after the arrival of the Panzer I’s.

Paint Scheme

Regarding their paint schemes, the Panzer I’s were almost certainly pre-war three-tone as they would have been painted by the Germans, as opposed to the later Panzer gray scheme. Photos seem to show them to be a single color, but this is likely due to the paint fading / being worn, the tank being very dirty, or an inherent problem with black and white photos – especially poor quality prints or digital renderings of them.
A three-digit serial number was added on the front and rear of the hull.
A small KMT emblem is often depicted on the side rear of the vehicle, just below a viewport, but this might be a Japanese addition or an apocryphal post-war artist’s addition.

Combat Performance

The tanks were highly unsuitable to the Chinese climate when they were operational. Herr Habermas also reports:

• The tanks were very prone to overheating, and temperatures inside the tank could get as high as 60 degrees Celsius in the summer, even with all hatches open.
• Hand and foot levers could hardly be operated as a result of the intense heat, making driving even more hazardous.
• On a march of any length, the front of the tank had to be ventilated by opening the brake adjustment hatch.
• Due to the threat of the electrical equipment overheating, the engine compartment had to be ventilated during long marches.
• Due to the overheating issue, after a long march the gunner could not fire the machine guns when the tank was buttoned-down (IE with all hatches closed).
• Off-road use of the tanks was unimaginable because the tracks were not wide enough for muddy rice fields (especially anywhere north of the Yangtze River). Essentially, the tracks got stuck in the mud, and the tank threw the track. Off-roading on completely dry fields was possible if the driver was careful.
• Even in suitable fields, often the dykes that separated rice fields were around 1.5 meters tall, and the Panzer I had trouble clearing those.
• The only positive for the Panzer I was that it was considered rather roomy when compared to the Vickers tanks sold from Britain 1933-1936.

According to some photos, some Panzer I’s were rearmed with Soviet DP-29 machine guns. Herr Habermas suggests that the Chinese felt that a tank weighing over 5 tons should have an armament consisting of a 20 mm (0.79 in) or 37 mm (1.46 in) gun, or, at very least, a powerful belt-fed machine gun (like the Vickers Mark E Type B and Vickers-Carden-Loyd Light Amphibious Tanks), which may go some way to explain this replacement. It may also be the case that the German machine guns were damaged beyond repair, or that the Chinese felt there was only sufficient ammunition to arm a handful of Panzer Is with German machine guns. In any case, photos seem to show more Panzer Is with DP-29s than any other gun.

Interior of a Chinese Panzer I after the Japanese had captured it, as viewed from the turret ring, following the turret’s removal. Various parts have been removed, including the original generator for the radio.

Context: The Battle of Nanjing, 1937

The Japanese had successfully taken Shanghai by late November 1937, and thus moved onto nearby Nanjing. Chiang Kai-shek, head of the Chinese government, decided that it would be better to try to defend Nanjing than performing a tactical retreat on the basis that if the Chinese could show that they could defend the city, then they might receive aid from the ‘great powers’ (France, UK, USA, etc). Thus, from 20th November, the Chinese began preparing the city’s defense by barricading and bolstering the city’s Ming-era wall, and preparing lines of defense outside the city.
On paper, the Chinese seemed to have an advantage, with an estimated 100,000-150,000 defenders, including three elite divisions which had been trained by the Germans, compared to only 50,000 Japanese attackers. However, the bulk of these defenders had just retreated from the Battle of Shanghai, and were exhausted, low on morale, and low on supplies. Worse still, the Japanese had tanks superior in quality and in number, and they had also enjoyed air superiority since September 1937.
The Japanese march on Nanjing started in late November, and they managed to reach the last line of defense before the city by 9th December. The Japanese were only slowed by overstretched supply lines. Similarly, as a result of the rapid Japanese advance, the Chinese defense was not properly prepared in time and could, therefore, be smashed with ease.
10th December saw fierce fighting at the Nanjing’s walls, and by the evening, Japanese engineers had breached a hole in the Guanghau Gate in the east of the city but were pinned down by Chinese counter-attacks which included tanks (which were, presumably, but not certainly, Panzer I’s).
On 11th December, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the city’s defense to be abandoned, unbeknownst to the Japanese.

Fate of the Panzer I’s

Most of the Panzer Is appear to have been destroyed in Nanjing, with some few being sent to Japan for testing or propaganda displays. Thanks to interviews with former soldiers, the story of vehicles in Nanjing has become somewhat less unclear.

Du Yuming’s account

The following is based on an interview with Du Yuming (Du Lu Ming), a KMT general who would later make a name for himself in the Burma Campaigns (1942-1945), and later in the Chinese Civil War (1946-1949). After the war, Du Yuming was captured in the Chinese Civil War, and released ten years later. He then found a position in the Communist government.
On November 9th, 1937, the Shanghai defense army suffered great losses on all fronts. My army only had one motorized unit, which was the Army Motorized Corps. Inside the Army Motorized Corps, we had three battalions consisting of tanks, recon vehicles, and armored cars. We were given the order to retreat to Hunan. The three battalions all fought at Shanghai, and now retreated to Nanking. At the time, we decided to follow the road from Nanking leading to Hunan. The AFVs were transported via trains to Changsha (the capital of Hunan).
However, Chang Kai-shek did not have a retreat plan. Therefore, there weren’t enough trains and fuel to transport the AFVs. As a result of this, all 3 battalions stayed in Nanking. Just before the Japanese army reached them, they managed to get a bit of fuel. They sent what they could away while the rest stayed. Some vehicles were disassembled and put onto the trains. While awaiting orders (approximately at 10PM on November 20th), He Ying Xing (another commander) suddenly told me: “It’s now decided that Tang Sheng Zhe [another commander] will stay in Nanking. The chairman [Chiang Kai-shek] orders that all German AFVs stay in Nanking to defend.”
Although the German AFVs were excellent, we had nearly no ammunition, and only had 15 vehicles [thus, these were presumably the 15 Panzer I’s]. So, I disagreed with the order. I believed that it would be better if we left the British amphibious vehicles and artillery vehicles in Nanking instead. I thought that because first, Nanking was near water; therefore the amphibious vehicles would have better use here, and if the battle here was lost, they can simply swim across the river and head to North. He Ying Xing said “Don’t even think about retreating to the North. You will defend Nanking to death.” He was adamant about the order to leave the Germany AFVs here instead. Seeing how angry he was, I wouldn’t dare speak out against him again. I was still pretty confused as to why we are using the German vehicles instead of the British.
The Defeated Armored Company
The armored car battalion sent out its last vehicles out of Nanking on December 4th [these were likely the Sd.Kfz.221s and 222s]. The other two companies that stayed in Nanking were all wiped out by the Japanese. On December 13th, Nanking completely fell to the Japanese. But what fate did the vehicles and men belonging to the two Companies meet?
It was only until the 20th December did we see some survivors of the two companies. They told us that from the 5th onward, their orders was to join in on the battle. They told us that most of the men were killed in the fight and that all the German AFVs were lost. It was only a few survivors that made it out of the city. [The following lines refer to events in Liushu Wan’s account – see below]. When the survivors made it to Xiaguan harbor, they saw that the 36th Group were about to leave. When they tried to board the boats, they were denied. Because of that, they tried to swim across the river. Most of the survivors died while trying to swim across, and that is the fate of the Armored Company.
Two True Heroes
The Chinese forces were ill-prepared for the Battle of Nanjing. They had no retreat plan so they were doomed. Knowing this, the morale and motivation of the Chinese forces reached the lowest point possible. One of the survivors [of the Battle of Nanjing, whom Du Yuming presumably met after the battle] told his story about Nanjing. He said that he and another soldier (he described himself and the other soldier as the sons of China) couldn’t handle the shame of losing the battle. [According to the soldier’s story, their] company commander already retreated from the front lines, so they had no leader. [Thus], they took it upon themselves to hide in a destroyed vehicle. They did so until 4PM, when the Japs came. Seeing the Japanese forces approach, they came out of the tank and threw grenades at the Japanese soldiers. The survivor recounted hearing his friend shout “Motherfuckers! I will trade my life for 10 of yours!” while throwing grenades. They then quickly scavenged the Japanese soldiers for their guns and held their positions for many hours. Around dusk, the two soldiers exhausted all their ammunition and decided to escape. One of the soldiers, unfortunately, died during the escape and the other soldier escaped successfully and told his story to me.
After I heard his story, I simply congratulated him. I was still doubting the authenticity of his story. However on November 15th, 1939, during the battle of Kunlun Pass, we wiped out an entire Japanese company headed by Zhongcun Zheng Xiong. While looting the defeated company, we found a Japanese war log. Inside the war logs, it accounted the details of the Battle of Nanjing. While I was reading the logs, I stumbled upon a detailed accounting of an ambush of Japanese troops by two Chinese soldiers hiding in a destroyed AFV. This was the time when I realized that these two soldiers were truly heroes of China [and that the survivor’s story was true]. I set out to look for the surviving soldier who told me the story. However, I learned that he had sacrificed himself in action during the Battle of Kunlun Pass while attacking an enemy position. These two heroes are truly the sons of China. With overwhelming odds, they held their grounds to fight the more well trained, well equipped Japanese forces. They are the roses and pride of the country and a true son to the people of China.

Liushu Wan’s account

Liushu Wan was a soldier serving with the Second Battalion.
On the afternoon of December 12th, 1937, I retreated with the armored company down the Xiaguan riverside. The right side of the pier was stacked with the armored company’s 5 gallon gas tanks along with other supplies. Because everyone had the “Ke Luo Mi” medal (unique to the company), they naturally stuck together. The platoon leader told me “We are currently negotiating with the ferry to let us cross.” Because of the fact that I was the highest ranking there, everyone was willing to be under my command.
Around 9PM, dozens of houses in Xiaguan were on fire. The only thing we could do was rally near the docks. Around this time, the ferry towed some smaller boats near the docks. We began negotiating with the owner of the ferry. What we did was we tied two of the smaller boats together and put planks of woods onto them. We then drove the armored vehicles onto the boat. Because the boats were so small, they were unbalanced, and thus they would tip over in the water when the armored vehicles drove on them. We tried many times, but weren’t able to get the tanks onto the boats. Not even the smaller vehicles would work.
It was about midnight when the tow ferry started to rush us. The only thing I could do now was to gather up the tankers and discuss how to get rid of the armored vehicles and cars. Some of the ideas included blowing them up or placing grenades under the motor (so when the enemy steps on the gas pedal, they would blow up). After a bit more discussing, we chose the second option. After we loaded what we could onto the boats, we all embarked. Before we disembarked, two drivers and two tankers approached me. They told me “We four have decided to stay and fight the Jap devils.” I replied with “Our mission from Command was to head to Puzhen.”
“No! We’re here to fight Jap devils! The enemy is here – we should fight them first.”, the driver insistently said. At the same time, the two tankers also said “We still have weapons on our armored vehicles. We might as well give the Japs a good fight if we’re going to destroy the vehicles.” “Where is your platoon leader? Go ask them. I cannot make this decision.” I replied. I wanted them to go with us, but the two drivers became impatient and said “We will take responsibility. We’re leaving.” I then said hastily “Alright. Choose your weapons, and enough ammo. But your main duty is to make sure all these vehicles get destroyed.” I then told my superiors to leave them 10 days worth of food, some money and two Mauser rifles. They then jumped off of the boat and disappeared into the dark.

Other accounts

According to a Japanese newspaper report, on 9th December, four Panzer I’s engaged four Japanese war correspondents from Ashahi News, but were rescued by the Japanese Army in a battle that lasted twenty minutes. Three of the Chinese tanks were destroyed, and one retreated.
As the memoirs tell us, and according to Benny Tsang (a Chinese armor historian), the remaining Panzer I’s (possibly around ten) were abandoned in Xiaguan District (in the south of Nanjing) at night time on 12th December. Crowds of civilians and soldiers went to Xiaguan’s harbor in order to escape the Japanese and abandon the city. They were blockaded by barrier troops (who were there to stop mass desertions), but a tank unit made up of Panzer Is burst through them and drove onto the harbor. When they arrived, they found that there were few ships in the harbor to escape in, and the tanks were subsequently abandoned.
Civilians and deserting military personnel alike tried to board the last ships, but these last few ships were so overcrowded that they sank in the Yangtze River. Japanese gunboats had been sailing up the river in order to surround the city as part of the Japanese invasion plan, and as a result, further river-borne retreats were made impossible.
After 9th December, there was little chance of escape for those left in Nanjing. Realising this, tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers left in the city began removing their uniforms and deserted en masse.
The Rape of Nanjing, also known as the Nanjing Massacre, commenced the following day.

Panzer I’s sent to Japan

From 8th to 15th of January 1939, a display of Japanese tanks and captured Chinese weapons was put on in Tokyo. Several Panzer I’s were put on display, but were recorded on plaques as being Soviet-made, for political reasons. These were presumably the ones abandoned in Nanjing, as opposed to any of the destroyed vehicles.
At least two Panzer I’s (possibly from the aforementioned three) were put on display at Hanshin Koshien Stadium in Nishinomiya, Japan around February 1939. These are likely to have been also used for performance testing by the Japanese.

Conclusion

The Chinese Panzer Is were inevitably going to see a short service life. When they arrived, they were in poor condition, and regardless of their condition, their Chinese crews were poorly trained and facing a superior Japanese force at Nanjing. Some German-supplied vehicles (namely Sd.Kfz.221s and 222s) managed to escape the battle and went on to form part of the 200th Division in late 1937 (or, officially, January 1938) – the first formal mechanized division of the NRA. The KMT procured weapons from the USSR to replace their losses at Shanghai and Nanjing, and to fill up the ranks of the 200th Division (most of the AFVs were T-26s). In any case, Chiang Kai-shek’s flirtation with German military hardware had come to an end.

Panzer I Ausf.A in KMT service, Battle of Nanjing, 1937. The vehicles would have been sent in tri-color camouflage, but photos show that the paint appears to have faded.

Chinese Panzer I Ausf.A’s with DP machine guns, abandoned in Nanjing, December 1937.
Chinese Panzer I Ausf.A’s with DP machine guns, abandoned in Nanjing, December 1937. The soldiers do not seem to fit with the rest of the photo, meaning that this is likely to be a contemporary propaganda photo based on this original image.

Chinese Panzer I, reportedly captured on December 9th, 1937. According to one source, this tank, along with three others, engaged four Japanese war correspondents for Ashahi News, but these were rescued by the Japanese Army in a battle that lasted twenty minutes. Three of the Chinese tanks were destroyed, and one retreated. This particular tank is armed with Soviet DP-29 machine guns.

A Nationalist Renault FT, two Panzer I’s (armed with Soviet machine guns), two T-26s (missing their armaments and mantlets), and just in shot, a Vickers Mark E Type B on display in Hanshin Koshien Stadium in Nishinomiya, Japan, February 1939.

A photo taken by the US Army showing a Chinese Panzer I bogged down during training around June 1937.

Undated and unlocated image of a Chinese Panzer I, having been captured by the Japanese.

Different view of the Panzer I’s captured at the harbor, circa December 13th. Japanese flags have now been attached to the tanks.

Several Chinese Panzer I’s on display in Tokyo, January 1939.

Panzer I on display in Japan, January 1939. The KMT Sun on the hull is likely a Japanese addition to make it clear that the tank was captured and is not Japanese.

Panzer I during Japanese testing. Note the new Japanese Imperial star added next to the driver’s vision hatch.

Panzer I during Japanese testing. Note the new Japanese number plate.

A Japanese assessment of the Panzer I turret interior.

Different view of the above, showing the gun sights.

Different view of the above.

Different view of the above.

Japanese newspaper, showing an article regarding the Battle of Nanjing.

Sources

Benny Tsang provided many documents relating to Panzer I’s in China that can be reproduced upon request.
Correspondence with Guillem Martí Pujol regarding the camouflage scheme of exported Panzer I’s.
“Defense of Nanking – The Diary of the RoC’s Battle Against the Japanese (南京保衛戰—原國民黨將領抗日戰爭親歷記)” edited by the Committee of Historical Material of the People’s Republic of China (載中國人民政治協商會議全國委員會文史資料硏究委員會), 1987. Special thanks to Leo Guo for translating and interpreting the text.
“Panzer Tracts No.1-2 Panzerkampfwagen I” by Thomas L. Jentz.
“AFV Collection No. 1: Panzer I: Beginning of a Dynasty” by Lucas Molina Franco

Communist China (1945-1959)
Medium Tank – 100+ Captured

The PLA’s First Tank

The Gongchen Tank (“Heroic Tank”, 功臣號) refers to a specific Chi-Ha Shinhoto captured by the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) in 1945. The story is part of CCP (Chinese Communist Party) folklore and its fine details seem somewhat fantastical. Nevertheless, the Gongchen Tank appears to have survived the Civil War and has been on display in a museum in Beijing since its retirement in 1959.
Large numbers of Chi-Ha and Chi-Ha Shinhoto (along with various other types of ex-Japanese tanks) were used extensively by the PLA, (and many were also used by the KMT – Kuomintang, the Chinese Nationalist Party). When the Japanese left China, following the end of WWII, they left behind their military equipment – the disarmament being left to the USSR. Fortunately for the PLA, the Soviets were sympathetic to them and armed the PLA with ex-Japanese weapons. However, according to the story, the Gongchen Tank was captured without Soviet involvement.

The Gongchen Tank on display in the main hall of the military museum in Beijing. The red writing does not appear to be faithful to the original scheme.

Gongchen Tank (功臣號)

The story of the Gongchen Tank is a little fantastical and textual evidence seems a little sketchy in some places. The story may have been significantly embellished by the CCP for propaganda purposes. To add to this, certain details of the story appear in one source, but not another. As a result, the story told here is a composite based on various texts and photographs.

Cornered in Shenyang

In 1945, the Communist forces in Shenyang (Liaoning Province, northeast China) discovered two Chi-Ha Shinhoto tanks which they designated “101” and “102”. Confusingly, one source suggests that they had modifications to the turret and had their main guns replaced with 47 mm (1.85 in) guns, but this only appears to mean that they were Shinhoto models (also consider that the Gongchen Tank in the Beijing museum is a Shinhoto).
The KMT was advancing upon Shenyang, so the Communists tried to quickly repair the tanks and escort them back to CCP-controlled areas. They forcibly enlisted the help of Japanese engineers for the repairs¹ and scavenged for spare parts in order to speed things up.² The Japanese engineers eventually revolted and sabotaged “101”, leaving Communist forces with only one functional tank (which would later become known as the Gongchen Tank).¹

On December 1st, 1945, the Northeast Special Tank Brigade (東北特縱坦克大隊) was formed in Shenyang, with “102” (the only tank in the brigade) and thirty soldiers. The Communists then decided to retreat from the city, so the tank smashed through a KMT blockade and drove into the safety of a CCP-controlled area.
After the escapade, the vehicle became part of Tonghua Artillery School in Liaoning Province. Several other tanks (of unknown models) joined shortly after.²

Post-civil war propaganda photo of the Gongchen Tank.

First Combat

The Gongchen Tank’s first combat is reported to be in Suiyang County (now Suiyang Town) in Heilongjiang Province, northeast of Shenyang Province.
The four tanks from Tonghua Artillery School were brought into Suiyang County via train. However, they were delivered too close to the battle, which meant that the train was shelled, creating a “sea of fire” (火海). Fortunately for the Communists, the tanks were not damaged from the fire. The source reports that the tanks went on to quickly kill 3000 KMT soldiers,² no doubt an exaggeration.
Any further details on the battle are lacking.

Battle of Jinzhou, 1948

In October 1948, “102” saw urban combat at the Battle of Jinzhou, in the Liaoning Province. Jinzhou was defended by 100,000² (in fact, probably more) KMT soldiers led by General Fan Hanjie (范汉杰).
The North China Tank Brigade had 15 tanks by this point. “102” had also become very respected, and earned itself the nickname “Old Man Tank” (老头坦克), a name which implies the vehicle to be dated but respectable, and still sturdy.
Several tanks (of an unknown model) were damaged early on in the battle when crossing a river and were unable to continue fighting.
Thus, “Old Man Tank” led a charge with Communist infantry into KMT positions,¹ and sustained several hits, which blew a political officer’s fingers off,² who was presumably inside the tank. As a result, the advancing infantry no longer had any tank fire support. Knowing the situation was critical, the driver, Dong Laifu (董來扶)^1,2 got out of the tank, made some hasty repairs under enemy fire, and got the tank operational again.¹
After the battle, Dong Laifu and the tank’s machine gunner, Wu Peilong (吳佩龍), were commended as first class, and the tank was renamed “Gongchen Tank” (meaning “Heroic Tank” 功臣號).²

Post Civil-War Career

Gongchen Tank had the honor of leading the victory parade on 1st October 1949, at Tiananmen Square. Dong Laifu was also given the title “Tank Fighting Hero” (坦克战斗英雄) in August 1950 by the Central Military Commission.²
The Gongchen Tank was finally retired in 1959.

Gongchen Tank leading the victory parade in Tiananmen Square, 1st October 1949.

Other Chi-Ha Tanks in PLA Service

The Chi-Ha and Chi-Ha Shinhoto were used extensively by the PLA. In fact, parade photos show that large numbers of the Chi-Ha, Chi-Ha Shinhoto, (and the Ha-Go, for that matter) were in service in 1949. One photograph even shows at least 35 Chi-Ha Shinhotos!
Chi-Ha Shinhotos are reported to have received some modifications in PLA service, such as the replacement of the original engines with 500hp Kharkov V-2 engines. Unfortunately, tanks on display in museums in China have had their engines removed and it is difficult to verify this.
Their exact combat history is hard to judge without first-hand accounts, but one photograph shows regular Chi-Ha tanks advancing into Shenyang, Liaoning Province, in 1948. It could be the case that the majority of the PLA’s Japanese tanks were captured in and saw service in the northeast. Evidence is rather lacking on specific usage during the Civil War, aside from the Gongchen Tank’s story.

Four (apparently regular) Chi-Ha tanks advancing into Shenyang, Liaoning Province, 1948.
The exact numbers of Japanese tanks in PLA service are not available. Any Japanese vehicle left behind in China following their withdrawal could have been used by the PLA. It is estimated that the PLA used at least 100 Chi-Ha and Chi-Ha Shinhoto tanks.
According to Dr. Martin Andrew, most Japanese tanks in PLA service were phased out following Soviet arms sales, 1950-1955.

Kuomintang Chi-Ha Tanks

In May, 1946, the KMT is reported to have the following Japanese tanks in service: 67 Type 97 Chi-Ha Shinhoto, 71 Type 97 Chi-Ha, 117 Type 95 Ha-Go, and 55 Type 94 TK.
It is possible that the KMT used any of the IJA’s AFVs that they could get their hands on. However, the USSR took control of Japanese disarmament, and most of the IJA’s equipment seems to have gone to the PLA. In any case, the KMT captured a large variety of Japanese tanks.

A Kuomintang Chi-Ha Shinhoto. The white sun emblem appears to have been hastily painted over the original Japanese camouflage scheme.

M3A3 (Stuart) and several Chi-Ha tanks in Kuomintang service. Undated, unlocated, possibly (according to an inference from the source) Northeast China, circa 8th February, 1946.

The Gongchen Tank in its “October 1st” colors – as seen on the victory parade, October 1st, 1949.

The Gongchen Tank in museum colors – a People’s Liberation Army Chi-Ha Shinhoto.

Chinese Nationalist (Kuomintang) captured Chi-Ha Shinhoto. Apparently original Japanese colors with a KMT sun painted on top.

Photograph showing at least 35 Chi-Ha Shinhotos on parade, presumably 1st October 1949. These had white serial numbers, several PLA stars (one on either side of the turret, one on the rear), and a white band around the turret ring. Numbers that are clearly visible are: 31242 (right foreground), 31244 (left foreground), and 31247 (top right).

PLA Chi-Ha Shinhoto “34458” and “34457” on parade in Tiananmen Square, 1st October 1949.

Pair of Chi-Ha Shinhoto tanks on parade, Tiananmen Square, 1st October 1949.

Chi-Ha Shinhoto “3435x”, with tank crews enjoying some downtime.

Two PLA Chi-Ha Shinhotos and their crews, presumably during downtime.

PLA Chi-Ha Shinhoto in a strange livery. The writing says “Heroic Tank”, but unlike the Gongchen Tank, this is written in Simplified Chinese, which means this is not an original camo scheme. The red and white roadwheels are also suspect. The number “006” is likely not original, as is the strange box added to the turret.

The Gongchen Tank, as discernible by the writing on the side, outside in the Beijing museum. This paint scheme appears faithful to the original.

The Gongchen Tank, on display in the open.

A regular PLA Chi-Ha, on display at the Beijing museum.

18 PLA Ha-Go tanks on parade in Tiananmen Square, 1st October 1949.

Ha-Go “31414” of the PLA.

Sources and notes

¹ – According to an article from “Weapons Tactical Illustration Magazine” (兵器戰術圖解雜誌) July 2004.
² – According to “Our Army’s First Tank” by Yin Guowang, article in “Knowledge of Weapons” (or Ordnance Knowledge – its official English title) (兵器知识) magazine, February 1996.
“The Tank Division of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army 1945-1949” by Zhang Zhiwei
The author would like to extend his thanks to Dr. Martin Andrew, and a translator (who wishes to remain anonymous) for helping with sources.